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Paul Krugman: Networks prefer puff over policy

Paul Krugman complains of US media’s near obsession with puff rather than hard policy facts. He also points out some interesting differences in how some politicians are represented differently, usually along party lines. Kevin Drum also talks about it, and gives more links to related stories.

Well, I’ve been reading 60 days’ worth of transcripts from the places four out of five Americans cite as where they usually get their news: the major cable and broadcast television networks. Never mind the details – I couldn’t even find a clear statement that Kerry wants to roll back recent high-income tax cuts and use the money to cover most of the uninsured. When reports mentioned the Kerry plan at all, it was usually horse race analysis – how it’s playing, not what’s in it.

The same things seems to play out on this side of the Atlantic. Always about how its playing rather than what is playing. Having read a large amount of transcripts Krugman made some discoveries, such as:

On the other hand, everyone knows that Teresa Heinz Kerry told someone to “shove it,” though even there, the context was missing. Except for a brief reference on MSNBC, none of the transcripts I’ve read mention that the target of her ire works for Richard Mellon Scaife, a billionaire who financed smear campaigns against the Clintons – including accusations of murder. (CNN did mention Scaife on its Web site, but described him only as a donor to “conservative causes.”) And viewers learned nothing about Scaife’s long vendetta against Heinz Kerry herself.

And points out amusingly:

Somewhere along the line, television news stopped reporting on candidates’ policies, and turned instead to trivia that supposedly reveal their personalities. We hear about Kerry’s haircuts, not his health care proposals. We hear about President George W. Bush’s brush-cutting, not his environmental policies.

Or this:

A Columbia Journalism Review Web site called campaigndesk.org says its analysis “reveals a press prone to needlessly introduce Senators Kerry and Edwards and Kerry’s wife, Teresa Heinz Kerry, as millionaires or billionaires, without similar labels for President Bush or Vice President Cheney.”

As the site points out, the Bush campaign has been “hammering away with talking points casting Kerry as out of the mainstream because of his wealth, hoping to influence press coverage.” The campaign isn’t claiming that Kerry’s policies favor the rich – they manifestly don’t, while Bush’s manifestly do. Instead, we’re supposed to dislike Kerry simply because he’s wealthy (and not notice that his opponent is, too). Republicans, of all people, are practicing the politics of envy, and the media obediently go along.

Krugman leaves us with some juicy post scripts:

Jeb Bush, the governor of Florida, insists that electronic voting machines are perfectly reliable, but The St. Petersburg Times says the Republican Party of Florida has sent out a flier urging supporters to use absentee ballots because the machines lack a paper trail and cannot “verify your vote.”

Ah e-voting, my favorite subject. Of course they are ‘perfectly reliable’ as Bush says. And monkeys might fly out of his ass. And the second PS:

Three weeks ago, The New Republic reported that the Bush administration was pressuring Pakistan to announce a major terrorist capture during the Democratic convention. Hours before Kerry’s acceptance speech, Pakistan announced, several days after the fact, that it had apprehended an important Qaeda operative.

What a coincidence.

China's 'steel mouse' is still roaring – warily

A good story from the IHT on what its like to express personal views in today’s China. We need more people like Liu.

Even so, Liu has resumed writing. Several months ago, she signed an online petition calling for the release of Du Daobin, another online Internet essayist. Du, in fact, had been jailed after calling for her release.

Asked why she still takes such risks, she said, “It’s the right thing for me to do, so I’m going to keep doing it.”

Where has all the oil money gone?

Paul Krugman asks a fair question, where has all the oil money gone? And why has so little money been spent? He asks:

Last month we learned that the United States, while it has spent vast sums on the war in Iraq, has so far provided almost no aid. Of $18.4 billion in reconstruction funds approved by Congress, only $400 million has been disbursed.

Almost all of the money spent by the Coalition Provisional Authority, which ran Iraq until late June, came from Iraqi sources, mainly oil revenues. This revelation helps explain one puzzle: the sluggish pace of reconstruction, which has yet to restore many essential services to prewar levels.

But it creates another puzzle: Given that the authority was spending Iraq’s money, why wasn’t it more careful in its accounting?

He continues with some more staggering points:

Every important official with responsibility for Iraqi finances was a Bush administration loyalist. The occupying authority dragged its feet on an international audit, which didn’t even begin until April 2004.

When KPMG auditors hired by an international advisory board finally got to work, they found that no effort had been made to keep an accurate record of oil sales, and that accounting for the $20 billion Development Fund for Iraq consisted of “spreadsheets and pivot tables maintained by a single accountant.”

The auditors also faced a lack of cooperation. They were denied access to Iraqi ministries, which were reputed to be the locus of epic corruption on the part of Iraqis with connections to the occupiers. They were also denied access to reports concerning what they delicately describe as “sole-source contracts.”

Translation: They were stonewalled when they tried to find out what Halliburton did with $1.4 billion. By obstructing international auditors, by the way, the United States wasn’t just fueling suspicion about the misappropriation of Iraqi oil money – it was also breaking its word. After Saddam’s fall, the United Nations gave the United States the right to disburse Iraqi oil-for-food revenues, but only on the condition that this be accompanied by international auditing and oversight.

And here even more curious:

On the day the United States raided Chalabi’s offices, a British associate of Chalabi who had been promising to come out with a devastating report told London’s Daily Telegraph that a remarkably effective hacker attack had destroyed all his computer files, including the backup copies. After the United States’ falling-out with Chalabi, the oil-for-food investigation was taken out of the hands of Chalabi’s allies. But the new head of the investigation was assassinated on July 1.

Very strange indeed.

Richard A. Clarke: 9/11 report is honorable but incomplete

The former head of counterterrorism at the National Security Council Richard A. Clarke, believe that the September 11 report is somewhat lacking. He proposes how the war on terrorism should really be fought:

We need to expose the Islamic world to values that are more attractive than those of the jihadists. This means aiding economic development and political openness in Muslim countries, and efforts to stabilize places like Afghanistan, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. Restarting the Israel-Palestinian peace process is also vital.

Also, we can’t do this alone. In addition to “hearts and minds’ television and radio programming by the U.S. government, we would be greatly helped by a pan-Islamic council of respected spiritual and secular leaders to coordinate (without U.S. involvement) the Islamic world’s own ideological effort against the new Qaeda.

Unfortunately, because of America’s low standing in the Islamic world, we are now at a great disadvantage in the battle of ideas. This is primarily because of the unnecessary and counterproductive invasion of Iraq. In pulling its bipartisan punches, the commission failed to admit the obvious: we are less capable of defeating the jihadists because of the Iraq war.

Unanimity has its value, but so do debate and dissent in a democracy facing a crisis. To fully realize the potential of the commission’s report, we must see it not as the end of the discussion but as a partial blueprint for victory. The jihadist enemy has learned how to spread hate and how to kill – and it is still doing both very effectively almost three years after 9/11.

No doubt Steyn would call such tactics the tactis of a girlie-man.

What about the Saudis who flew off on 9/13?

Gerald Posner of the NYT asks the question, also posed by Unger and Moore.

The report makes no mention that one of the Saudis on the flight that left Kentucky for Saudi Arabia was Prince Ahmed bin Salman. The nephew to King Fahd, Prince Ahmed was later mentioned to American interrogators in March 2002 by none other than Abu Zubaydah, a top Qaeda official captured that same month. The connection, if any, between a top operative of Al Qaeda and a leading member of the royal family has remained unresolved despite Saudi denials. Prince Ahmed cannot be asked: He died in 2002, at the age of 43, from complications from stomach surgery in a Riyadh hospital.

Not only does the 9/11 report fail to resolve the matter of whether Zubaydah – who featured prominently in the now infamous Presidential Daily Briefing of Aug. 6, 2001 – was telling the truth when he named Prince Ahmed and several other princes as his contacts, but they do not even mention the prince in the entire report. The report does have seven references to Zubaydah’s interrogations, yet not a single one is from March, the month of his capture, and the time he made his startling and still unproven accusations about high-ranking Saudi royals.

Of course, none of these matters undermine the report’s central conclusions about what went wrong inside the United States leading up to 9/11. And satisfying answers to questions about the relationship between the Saudis and Al Qaeda might not be available yet. But the commission could have at least asked them. By failing to address adequately how Saudi leaders helped Al Qaeda flourish, the commission has risked damaging its otherwise good work.

Is it just me or is the September 11th Commission looking increasingly like the Warren Commission?

The Workplace: Blowing whistles and the EU: Marta Andreasen

Marta Andreasen blew the whistle on dodgy practices inside the European Union, she now resides in limbo.

The saga dates to May 2002, when she started alerting her bosses and then ultimately their bosses that the government computer software was vulnerable to error and fraud just five months after she started her job.

“It was not as though I was asking them to build a cathedral or send a man to the moon,” said Andreasen, who is still on the payroll. “Had they followed my advice, today there would be effective measures in place, and the funds would be protected. Instead, I was suspended, and the EC said they already knew about the problems.”

Today the commission is hard pressed to explain precisely why disciplinary proceedings against Andreasen have lingered. A commission official, who asked to remain anonymous, said authorities had moved slowly to “make sure that justice is done.” It took time, he added, because the author of a report about the matter held another full-time job.

The accusations against Andreasen are also a little complicated. She was not suspended because of her withering criticism, which gained support from, among others, Jules Muis, the commission’s former internal auditor.

He observed in a blunt internal memo that Andreasen’s concerns appeared “factually substantive and correct.”

In reality, she was suspended for violating Articles 12 and 21 of staff regulations: failure to show sufficient loyalty and respect. She had ignored the established hierarchy by expressing her concerns directly in letters to the commission’s president and 10 legislators.

Sufficient loyalty and respect? Are these guys crazy?

"What I Do", a Proof-Dogmatic collaboration

Although Mc Big Proof is Eminem’s best friend, he really needed to take some distance with Shady Records and release his own work with different record labels. Thats’ why Promatic is a Koch Records production from the Contra Music Label and “I Miss the Hip Hop Shop” was released at Iron First Records.
Continue reading “"What I Do", a Proof-Dogmatic collaboration”


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